On behalf of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African Affairs, I welcome all of you to this hearing on the progress of, obstacles to, and prognosis for democracy on the African continent. I am honored to be joined by my colleague and the Ranking Member of this Subcommittee, Senator Sununu, and I will invite him to deliver some opening remarks in just a moment.

Today marks the third day of “Captive Nations Week 2007.” In designating it as such last Tuesday, President George W. Bush declared – and I quote - “expanding freedom is a moral imperative,” and issued a call “to reaffirm our commitment to all those seeking liberty, justice, and self-determination.”

This is a common theme of the current Administration. In his inauguration speech, President Bush spoke about the “force of human freedom” and stated that it is the policy of the United States “to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture.”

I agree that democracy and good governance are essential to achieving stability, prosperity, and legitimacy – particularly in countries emerging from a legacy of colonization and conflict, like many in Africa. Unfortunately, I am concerned that despite this Administration’s strong rhetorical commitment to freedom, systematic and often violent suppression of democratic principles and practices by foreign governments have been only weakly admonished and are often overlooked. This disparity between principle and policy is perhaps most evident in Africa, where in theory the promotion of democracy and human rights remains a top U.S. objective but in practice it receives limited attention and resources and is frequently subordinated to other strategic necessities.

Although many African countries have little or no experience with true democracy, people across the continent have shown unshakeable determination to make sure they have a voice in their government. Last fall, more than 16 million citizens in the Democratic Republic of Congo traveled miles, waited in long lines, and braved torrential rain to participate in that country’s first free presidential and parliamentary multi-party elections in almost four decades. Right now, opposition politicians who were denied fair polls in Nigeria in April have renounced violent protest in favor of fighting for their political rights in court. These are important benchmarks but as most of you already know, elections are only the beginning of democratic development and it is what comes after that is so critical and yet so often overlooked and under resourced.

The most recent edition of Freedom House’s annual survey of freedom in the world, notes that the number of sub-Saharan African countries categorized as “free” has grown from just 3 thirty years ago, to 11 today. However, with 48 countries in the region, 11 is still insufficient. This same report noted that after several years of steady and advances for democracy, sub-Saharan Africa suffered more setbacks than gains during 2006.

This trend of backsliding is worrisome and demands a reconsideration of U.S. efforts to promote good governance and democracy in the region. This purpose of this hearing is to consider how the United States can maximize the impact of its resources in advancing governance, democracy, and rule of law in African countries to help achieve a wide range of objectives.

Our first panel of government representatives will help shed light on where, why, and how U.S. democracy-promotion resources are distributed and how this assistance is tailored to address unique challenges in various African countries. We are fortunate to have with us Mr. Barry F. Lowenkron, the Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, as well as Mr. Michael Hess, the Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance at the U.S. Agency for International Development. Both have long histories of service to the United States in policy-making capacities, so I look forward to hearing their insights and opinions about what the United States is doing right in terms of our democracy and governance activities in Africa as well as their ideas on how we can be even more effective.

We have a full second panel of distinguished individuals who will review and seek to derive lessons from recent elections, including the general success of polls in Liberia, the DRC, and Mauritania, as well as from Nigeria’s disappointing elections and the persistent obstacles to free and fair polls in countries like Angola and Zimbabwe. The Honorable Princeton Lyman is currently an Adjunct Senior Fellow for Africa Policy Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, but his distinguished career includes extensive Africa-related experience, including service as the United States’ Ambassador to South Africa during that country’s historic transition to democracy.

Mr. Christopher Albin-Lackey is the Senior Nigeria Research at Human Rights Watch and his most recent work has documented the human rights impact of local government corruption and mismanagement in the Niger Delta and pervasive human rights abuse connected to Nigeria’s rigged 2007 elections. As the Open Society Institute’s Senior Policy Analyst for Africa, Ms. Akwe Amosu facilitates links between Africa-based foundations, initiatives and grantees, and the international policy community in Washington, DC., after spending more than two decades as a journalist and radio producer in leading African and Africa-targeted media. Finally, we will hear from Mr. David Peterson, the Senior Director of the National Endowment for Democracy’s Africa Program. Since 1988, Mr. Peterson has been responsible for NED's program to identify and assist hundreds of African non-governmental organizations and activists working for democracy, human rights, free press, justice and peace.

Unfortunately, Dr. Robert Rotberg, Director of the Kennedy School of Government’s Program on Intrastate Conflict and Conflict Resolution, was unable to join us this morning, but he has written compelling testimony on lessons from Africa’s most successful countries, which I would like to submit for the record.

We’re very glad that you’re all here today, and we appreciate your willingness to testify. Thank you and welcome. The timing of this hearing was designed to prompt ongoing discussion about how best to help African nations build sustainable institutions and create governments that are elected by and accountable to their citizens, and I know that each of you have valuable insight to contribute to this conversation. I would argue that the promotion of governance and democracy in Africa is more than a moral imperative; it is in our national interest to help burgeoning governments begin a legitimate dialogue with their citizens, enhance public service delivery, strengthen the rule of law, implement and defend human rights, and improve their reputation at home and abroad.